Sims City

THE NEW CRITERION, September 2018

Sims City

On the ignominious removal of a Central Park monument.

James Panero reads “Sims City,” on the ignominious removal of a Central Park monument, from the September 2018 issue of The New Criterion. https://www.newcriterion.com/issues/2018/9/sims-city

Like something out of Robespierre’s Committee of Public Safety, a black sign now appears in place of a statue that had stood at the corner of Fifth Avenue and 103rd Street for over eighty years.

By order of Mayor Bill de Blasio, NYC Parks has relocated the statue of Dr. James Marion Sims to Green-Wood Cemetery in Brooklyn, where Sims is buried. Plans are being developed to commission a new monument on this site.

So a statue is gone from Manhattan, its online record wiped clean. James who? Doctor of what? Few noticed its presence; fewer now may notice its absence. The handful who wanted it gone—“by order of”—were louder than the many who did not care whether or not it stayed. And most are fine to leave the story there. But in an era out to prove its revolutionary impermanence, a case should be made for the history of a forgotten figure and the permanence of his small monument. The past deserves its say.

In defense of a statue—

The Central Park monument to J. Marion Sims was, until recently, one of a string of statues and plaques that adorns the park’s outer wall. Like the Ninety-first Street memorial to William T. Stead, a journalist who distinguished himself for bravery by sacrificing his life during the sinking of the Titanic, and the 101st Street monument to Arthur Brisbane, the “editor and Patriot,” the Sims statue existed in the civic background, largely overlooked, if not entirely forgotten, by the city that hosted it.

That changed on April 17, 2018. In a public event organized by the Mayor of the City of New York, as protesters, surrounded by a ring of media trucks, chanted “Marion Sims is not our hero,” a forklift raised the bronze statue from its base and deposited it on the back of a Parks Department pickup. With its head covered by a blue tarp, a yellow cable wrapped around its neck, the statue rode off to the shouts of the crowd and the clicking of the cameras. The statue has not been seen since.

Following the deadly August 2017 conflagration in Charlottesville, Virginia, and a national reckoning with monuments to the Confederacy, few might have predicted that Dr. Sims, the “father of modern gynecology,” would be the New Yorker ultimately destined for ignominious denouement. But such are the capricious politics of our modern iconoclasm and the unexpected opportunities it presents for displays of scolding and shame. Following a widening pattern of censorship, one that has quickly moved beyond Confederate memorials, a fever call for “social justice” has sought to redress history through public acts of effacement. Born out of a toxic relationship with the past, this frenzy should be alarming to anyone concerned with the intricacies of history and its record in material culture. In the case of Sims, the public verdict, issued without representation for the defendant, may have dishonored the legacy of an innocent and even heroic man.

Surgeon and philanthropist. Founder of the Woman’s Hospital State of New York. His brilliant achievement carried the fame of American surgery throughout the entire world.”

The inscription, carved into a roundel, is still in evidence beneath the cut bolts of what remains of Sims’s monument. It speaks to the historical sentiment behind his memorialization. Created by Ferdinand Freiherr von Miller in 1892, the bronze statue of Sims was first erected in Bryant Park. In 1934, the statue moved uptown to a new base facing the New York Academy of Medicine, which has occupied its current six-story building across Fifth Avenue since 1926.

In the case of Sims, the public verdict, issued without representation for the defendant, may have dishonored the legacy of an innocent and even heroic man.

That Sims was a pioneering surgeon in the area of women’s health is beyond dispute. His innovative surgeries became the basis for curing what were thought to be irreparable reproductive injuries, paving the way for the modern therapeutic practices and instruments that today benefit women worldwide. “In recognition of his services in the cause of science & mankind,” as a second roundel still reads, “awarded highest honors by his countrymen & decorations from the governments of Belgium, France, Italy, Spain & Portugal.”

The challenge for Sims has been our interpretation of his early research work around his home in Montgomery, Alabama. Between 1845 and 1849, Sims performed experimental surgeries to repair the vesicovaginal fistulae of twelve enslaved women, three of whom we know from Sims’s records by first name: Lucy, Anarcha, and Betsey. This surgery was conducted without anesthesia on a population for whom the law did not compel personal consent. In recent decades, medical historians have cast these actions as unethical, if not abhorrent. With a record of experimentation on slaves, without anesthetic, Sims can easily come across as a Dr. Mengele of the antebellum South, and therefore ripe for condemnation.

Writing in the Journal of Medical Ethics in 1993, Durrenda Ojanuga Onolemhemhen calls Sims’s surgeries on “powerless Black women” a “classic example of the evils of slavery and the misuse of human subjects for medical research.” In particular, Sims has been labeled an “anesthetic racist” for not practicing proper pain management on his enslaved patients, even as he performed multiple unsuccessful surgeries before perfecting his operating procedures.

When New York mayor Bill de Blasio convened a special commission last year to review “city art, monuments, and markers,” the panel arrived at similar conclusions. Arguing that “there is no question about the abuse of the women he experimented upon,” the commission wrote that Sims “has come to represent a legacy of oppressive and abusive practices on bodies that were seen as subjugated, subordinate, and exploitable in service to his fame.”

The commission’s recommendation to remove the statue from a neighborhood that “largely consists of communities of color, predominantly Latinx [sic] and Black” was met with the forklift a day later—a record turnaround for city work. The panel had served its political purpose—giving the mayor a pass on similarly controversial yet much more popular city monuments, including those of Christopher Columbus and Theodore Roosevelt, by targeting a lesser-known work.

While protest groups, including an organization called the “Black Youth Project 100,” had been staging graphic spectacles in front of Sims—young women have appeared wearing hospital gowns soaked in fake blood—“no person or group wrote or testified to request that the Sims monument remain in its current location.” By this, the commission therefore showed that the removal of Sims (unlike the Italian Columbus) would not upset a large bloc of city voters.

Yet, there are researchers who have long proposed a counter-narrative to the condemnation of Sims. Writing in the Journal of Medical Ethics in 2006, L. Lewis Wall, a doctor in the department of Obstetrics and Gynecology at Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis, one who has been honored for his work on behalf of African women with vesicovaginal fistulae, offers a different understanding of Sims’s achievements. Dr. Wall notes the horrific long-term effects of vesicovaginal fistula, a tragic condition that results from crushing complications of labor and fetal death, and leaves a woman with a permanent hole between bladder and vagina, resulting in a loss of urinary and often fecal control and a befouling of the reproductive organs.

Records maintain that Sims did, in fact, gain patient consent for his procedures, argues Wall. Moreover, the sensitive nature of the surgery would have required a patient’s willingness to proceed. The surgeries also had a known therapeutic outcome—curing, for the first time, a horrific long-term affliction. As for the charge of “anesthetic racism,” it should be noted that the use of anesthetic ether was not first demonstrated until October 16, 1846, in Boston, a year after Sims began his operations in Alabama. Even then, its adoption was not immediately universal, and it carried its own complications; surgeons trained before its advancement often continued to practice without it, as Sims did later on both his black and white patients.

Taken as a whole, such an interpretation portrays Sims not as a monster, profiting off of sadistic experiments on “the Black body,” but as a surgeon who championed corrective intervention for a disregarded and, indeed, powerless population suffering from severe injury. We may never know what truly happened in his operating theater, but given the ultimately therapeutic outcomes Sims achieved for Lucy, Anarcha, Betsey, and the other women he cured, it may very well be that the only subject in this story operated upon unjustly and without consent is the statue of J. Marion Sims.

Such a fate reminds me of the story of “The Burghers of Calais,” here turned into postmodern farce. Besieged by the English in 1346, so the legend goes in its telling by the medieval writer Jean Froissart, the city of Calais was spared by Edward III for giving up six of its leading citizens—“burghers,” or bourgeois—presumably destined for execution. Headed by the first volunteer, Eustache de Saint Pierre, these local leaders sacrificed themselves to save their city during the Hundred Years’ War.

Through a commission from the French port, Auguste Rodin famously immortalized these men in his sculpture of 1889, portraying the local leaders not as divine heroes composed on pedestals but as ordinary, downtrodden, and, indeed, besieged figures. Their clothes are torn and their bodies are bound as they carry out the keys, and their duty, for the salvation of the town.

Today, such sacrifice is not immortalized in bronze. Rather, it is bronze that must be immortalized in sacrifice. Pushed from the gates of Manhattan, the statue of J. Marion Sims was besieged, and finally sacrificed, for New York’s supposed racial salvation. Such symbolic destruction may serve to connote a phantom catharsis. But, ultimately, the only real-world change is the destruction of the symbol itself through a spectacle that may only perpetuate historical injustice. Unlike those burghers of Calais, the mayors, governors, and institutional leaders of today will eagerly wrong the symbols of the dead, along with the complexities of history, to protect, and enhance, their own righteous living.

North Korea can host the Hunger Games

SPECTATOR USA, September 23, 2018

North Korea can host the Hunger Games

The modern Olympics give fool’s gold to despots and dictators

By offering to pursue a joint bid to host the Summer Olympics in 2032, the two Koreas hope to right a historical wrong: no doubt, the exclusion of Dennis Rodman from the 1992 Dream Team.

But just as the retired Piston rebounder and peninsular hero would be a fool to pursue today’s Olympic Gold, let’s stop fooling ourselves about the Olympic Games. Through the Koreas’ absurd suggestion, the time has come to question the fool’s gold of the modern games and its longstanding currency among the world’s murderers, despots, and thieves.

The ancient Olympics were a religious rite and a celebration of free people. According to myth, inaugurated by Heracles and consecrated to Zeus, the first recorded games began in Olympia in 776 BC. The games took place every four years, a unit of time known as the Olympiad, and continued for nearly a thousand years. Here the Greek city-states sent their best to compete in running, pentathlon, boxing, wrestling, horse racing, and an ultimate fighting game called the pankration. Koroibos, a cook from Elis, became the first laureled Olympian by winning the stadion race. Like a box of Wheaties — you could not go anywhere in the Hellenic world without seeing this champion of track and field on some black-figure amphora.

The modern games began in a similar spirit. The Olympic Movement arose from the Greek Uprising of the 1820s and Greece’s liberation from the shackles of the Ottoman Empire. After fits and starts, the International Olympic Committee organised its first modern games in the Panathenaic Stadium in Athens in 1896.

Citius, Altius, Fortius — Faster, Higher, Stronger — has been the guiding spirit of the modern games. It’s a motto first proposed by Olympic founder and IOC president Pierre de Coubertin in 1894. Yet it did not take long for this showcase of amateur competition to descend from these noble aspirations.

The 1936 Berlin games were a travesty of the Olympic spirit by providing a false cover for the Nazis’ murderous regime. The famous torch relay, which takes its flame from the sunlight of Olympia focused by a parabolic mirror, was another Nazi invention and furthered the false narrative of connecting Aryan ‘supermen’ with the athletes of the ancient world. Fortunately, real mensch Jesse Owens sent those Nazi blondes home in an Uber.

We might consider 1936 to be an unfortunate exception to a great Olympic tradition. But in fact, as we see one despotic regime after another winning the rights to host the modern Olympics, the Nazi games have become the rule reflecting the rot at the core of the IOC. Just consider: The Soviet Union in 1980; China in 2008; Russia in 2016; China again in 2022. Even the games that take place in the free West have been sullied by repeated instances of bribery and doping, among countless other crimes.

By bringing out the best of athleticism, the modern Olympics seem to bring out the worst of humanity. Its participants are drugged. Its officials are bribed. Its builders are worked to death. And its pageantry is pure propaganda. Back in 1988, when South Korea first hosted the summer Olympics, the autocratic regime rounded up the homeless of Seoul and sent them to slave labour camps to be beaten, raped, and murdered.

So, sure. Why not let the descendants of the Hermit Kingdom join hands and ring in the 2032 Olympics in Pyongyang. There’s nothing like a nuclear arms race to heat up competition. The Hunger Games will make for classic Olympic sport.

It's the blood that gets you

SPECTATOR USA, September 18, 2018

It’s the blood that gets you

Delacroix in the flesh, at the Met

Like Socrates and Cher, the name of Delacroix says it all. Here is the hot lunch of 19th century French art among so many dishes served cold — exoticism and eroticism, à la français. We can all form some image of the piratically handsome Romantic swashbuckler. We can also picture something of his harems, lions, and malfunctioning blouses rendered in his colours of blood and bone. Or, at the very least, we know someone who can.

And just so, the major survey of Delacroix’s work, which opens this week at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, is simply titled Delacroix — no subtitle, s’il vous plaît. The Met’s gift shop even sells a black shirt with his name typed out in white. The latest from the House of Delacroix.

Despite lasting fame, something the artist himself obsessively cultivated from youth, Brand Delacroix has not necessarily served the art of Eugène Delacroix (1798–1863). For one, we now almost always encounter his work in reproduction. Those outsized paintings he brashly submitted to the Salons, swirling 14-foot canvases dense with narrative, almost invariably render down to murky thumb-sized illustrations of red wine and pan juice.

Second, it does not help that the historical dramas and current events that so animated his subject matter have become literary and historical footnotes: ‘The Massacre at Chios’ (1824); ‘The Death of Sardanapalus’ (1828); or how about that Ottoman siege of the Greek city of Missolonghi? Any Philhellenes in the house? The passion has long dissipated out of these forgotten concerns.

So Brand Delacroix has been reduced not just to illustration, but to an illustration of an illustration. Beyond mere works of art, his thumbnails mainly serve to illustrate the history of art. It took a generation for France’s revolution in painting to match its revolution in politics. With his bloody scenes painted in a brushy manner, Delacroix jolted the lingering reserve of painting’s ancien régime and opened the floodgates to a more expressive modern style. In Delacroix, Cézanne would say, ‘you can find us all.’

With Romantic flourish, Delacroix went up against the entrenched old guards of French Classicism. In particular, that meant the school around Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, his elder by some 30 years. In his catty Journals, best translated by Walter Pach in his edition of 1937, Delacroix called the splendidly chilly painter ‘pitiful,’ ‘warped,’ and ‘ridiculous,’ and denounced his 1855 retrospective as ‘the complete expression of an incomplete intelligence.’

In Delacroix’s impious brush we find the incomplete expression of a complete intelligence. Despite, or perhaps because of, his celebrity status, a full consideration of the painter has been a long time coming. The last major Delacroix retrospective took place in 1963. There has never been a major survey of Delacroix in North America until now. Whether his art has been as enduring as his revolution is now taken up at the Metropolitan, in a truncated version of the survey that opened at the Louvre last spring, here organized by the Met’s Asher Miller in collaboration with Sébastien Allard and Côme Fabre of the Louvre.

And the verdict? As a critic who generally sides with art’s more Classical temperaments, I simply say, go see Delacroix in the flesh. Reserve melts away when you encounter these 150 works on loan from some 60 collections in person — even without his greatest Salon paintings traveling Stateside. Some of his best-known works, the Metropolitan says by way of explaining their absence, are ‘too large or fragile to travel; part of the fabric of the Louvre itself, they require a visit to Paris.’

Greece on the Ruins of Missolonghi (1826)


Greece on the Ruins of Missolonghi (1826)

Just consider ‘Greece on the Ruins of Missolonghi,’ an early painting of 1826, and one of the first in the Met’s chronological survey. A female figure stands with outstretched arms atop of the rubble of a city. An allegory, yes, but such drama! A wind blows open the robe of this virginal figure, exposing her alabaster skin. A triumphant Egyptian soldier stands behind her in profile against a blackened sky. The arm of a corpse emerges from the crumbled blocks beneath her feet. Drops of blood run over a stone next to her red slipper.

It’s the blood that gets you. There’s something a little wrong about it, if you consider it within the fictional space of the scene. Rather, the blood looks freshly dribbled right on the surface of the canvas. Similarly, the corpse’s hand seems to reach out from the picture plane with a paint-brush grip, almost as if it’s dabbing the red paint itself. And on the other side, the name of Delacroix has been seemingly etched into a stone.

At his best, such frontal pathos is what Delacroix pulls right to the surfaces of his canvases. Notice the curled paw reaching out to swipe us in ‘Young Tiger Playing with Its Mother’ (1830). Or look at the baby’s tear in the achingly awful ‘Medea About to Kill Her Children’ (1838), As opposed to Ingres’s Classical vitrines, with his figures seemingly preserved in liquid nitrogen, these are objects in our own space, by a painter who proclaims himself engaged in the drama depicted herein. And in fact, Delacroix was deeply engaged in the politics of what he painted. He created ‘Missolonghi’ as a benefit for the Greeks besieged by the Ottoman Turks, and a tribute to his literary hero Byron, who died at Missolonghi in 1824. Far from some Oriental fantasy, ‘Missolonghi’ publicises the struggle of an oppressed people fighting an Islamic state.

Julius Meier-Graefe, the definitive turn-of-the-century chronicler of modern art, called Delacroix the ‘last great painter who was a man of profound culture.’ Delacroix was far more serious than his Romantic flamboyance and might suggest. His many studies and preparatory drawings, spread across this exhibition and a concurrent Met survey of his works on paper, speak to his dedication to image-making and his facility as a draftsman. Delacroix was no revolutionary. He was a revivalist, enlivening French art with the forgotten history of painterly expression that ran through Rubens and Rembrandt and the Venetian school of Titian, Tintoretto, and especially Veronese.

Much like the Paris of the early 19th century, today’s art could learn from Delacroix’s red-bloodedness and functioning spleen. More than just a feeling, his expressive brush gave his art a meaning.