A Visit to the New York Transit Museum

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James writes:

Following up on my essay "What's a Museum"? and the discussion on The Brian Lehrer Show, I've been on an informal tour of museums large and small looking for what works and what doesn't. One of my first stops was the New York Transit Museum in downtown Brooklyn, a childhood favorite. My return confirmed why I've always had a soft spot for this special place.

In my article, I write about how the big business of today's museums has been causing them to lose sight of their founding principles. Museums are getting bigger, but are they getting better? A "museum industrial complex" has been turning museums into "tourist attractions, department stores, civic centers, town squares, catalysts of urban renewal, food courts, licensing brands, showcases for contemporary architecture, social clubs, LEED-certified environmentally conscious facilities, and franchise opportunities." While enriching their administrators, museums are often losing sight of what makes them special as places that preserve and display our nation's treasures. 

The Transit Museum has been largely immune from these recent trends. Now owned by the Metropolitan Transit Authority, it operates outside of today's museum culture, and the difference can be felt right away. The low admission price is the first indication that something here is different. At many New York museums, the ticket price for adults now tops $25. At the Transit Museum, the charge is $7.

One reason the admissions charge is so low is that the museum doesn't have a multi-million-dollar climate-controlled glass wing to maintain or any plans to build one. There are no restaurants on site or other distractions attractions (just picnic benches). Instead what you get is simply a great collection of trains and transit artifacts lovingly maintained by a dedicated staff in a facility that very much tells its own history: the decommissioned subway station at Court Street.

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At the New York Transit Museum, historical subway cars are on display on the working tracks (including a live third rail) of a decommissioned Brooklyn station.

The Transit Museum is largely staffed by MTA employees (rather than career administrators) who have a deep knowledge of the particular artifacts on display. The Museum also attracts additional volunteers and staff who clearly love their subject matter.

The history of New York's subways is a history of the city itself. The subway began as three separate corporations--Interborough Rapid Transit (IRT), Brooklyn-Manhattan Transit (BMT), and Independent Subway System (IND). The IRT opened first in 1904 with a lavish station beneath City Hall designed in the Romanesque Revival style by Heins & LaFarge. The station is now decommissioned but open through special tours operated by the museum.

Although the IRT and BMT were private companies, the city maintained price controls on what fare they could charge. For decades, the fare stayed at 5 cents. This eventually drove the companies to bankruptcy and allowed the city government to take them over and consolidate the system in 1940 (at which point the city promptly raised the fare). With its ups and downs, it's hard to argue that city and state government has done a better job than private enterprise. Expansion plans all but ceased for half a century following consolidation. For years, dilapidated trains became the symbol of urban decay before a turnaround in the 1980s and a city-wide revival led by Mayor Giuliani in the 1990s.

The Transit Museum glosses over the bad years of the MTA--one of the weak spots of the institution (the museum's website could also use some help; the wikipedia entry for the museum is much better). Still, as I discovered, its free tours, which last well over an hour, can be spellbinding and frank. My tour guide, Katherine, even made her own low-tech map out of pipe cleaners to depict the city's original IRT route. 

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Transit Museum tour guide Katherine holding her own low-tech map made of pipe cleaners to depict the city's original IRT route. Is that a tattoo of a subway rat on her arm? 

The Court Street station, which was once meant to be the terminus of the 2nd Avenue Subway Line, contains two levels. The midlevel contains the museum's collection of turnstiles, track parts, ticket booths, and buses (where you get to sit in the driver's seat). Downstairs are a hundred years of subway cars all perfectly restored and electrified, complete with vintage ads. Many of these trains are still operational and will occasionally come out from runs through the system to pick up regular passengers (a few years ago, I was lucky enough to step on one).     

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Katherine discusses the history of subway turnstiles. Just off screen: the dreaded "Iron Maiden" gate known to trap subway passengers.

I found the museum to be great for all ages. With its smart and interactive displays, the museum can captivate a newcomer to the underground while more than satisfying the subway nerd. But be warned: while there is now a wheelchair lift, strollers still need to be carried down the stairs of the museum's main subway entrance (all for that authentic MTA experience).

The museum also has a gift shop that, many years ago at least, made for a fun trip back home for me. When I asked the clerk if there was any more subway memorabilia beyond what was on display, he showed me to a back room with old change collectors and authentic subway signs, including one from my home station that must have been 8-feet long. I bought one. A friend then helped me bring it home on the subway--exiting, of course, at the station where I lived. During the trip, I was apprehended twice, first by a police officer and second by someone making a "citizen's arrest." Fortunately, I had my receipt from the Transit Museum and I still have my (legally acquired) subway sign proudly on display.

What's a museum? Running on all tracks, the New York Transit Museum has a moving answer.

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You won't see this at MOMA: Meet Sadie, the Transit Museum's resident cat and a hard working employee. There's a reason this station is rodent free!  

Capital and its Discontents: A Discussion Grows in Bushwick

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The panelists from "Capital and Its Discontents: Art, Money, Real Estate and the Changing Face of Bushwick": Peter Hopkins (Bogart Salon), Natalia Sacasa, Francis Greenburger, Ann Fensterstock, James Panero (host), Loren Munk, and William Powhida. "Burg n Bush," work in progress by Loren Munk, in background. Photograph by famous Bushwick documentarian Meryl Meisler

UPDATE: THE FULL DISCUSSION IS NOW ONLINE HERE

James writes:

On Thursday, April 12, I hosted a panel discussion at The Bogart Salon called "Capital and its Discontents: Art, Money, Real Estate and the Changing Face of Bushwick." You can read all about the run up here.

My panelists were Ann Fensterstock (collector, arts patron, historian), Francis Greenburger (collector, founder of Time Equities), Loren Munk (artist), William Powhida (artist), and Natalia Sacasa (Senior Director, Luhring Augustine). 

Art, money, and real estate. These three forces are changing the face of Bushwick. We may not agree on how it’s changing, but we can all agree that the neighborhood of Bushwick is changing quickly. By last count, there were over 35 galleries in Bushwick, up from just a handful a few years ago. Until recently, 56 Bogart, the venue for the panel, was mainly used for light manufacturing. Now it’s filled with new galleries and non-profits--some new, others well established and coming in from elsewhere. And in February, Luhring Augustine, one of the bluest of Chelsea’s blue-chip galleries, opened a 10,000-square-foot outpost in the heart of Bushwick, to the fascination and consternation of the neighborhood’s arts community.

As I said in the panel’s introduction:

If we are here to put capitalism on trial, and capitalism loses, I wouldn’t question capitalism. I would question our judgment.

Yet art, money, and real estate have always had a complex relationship, and lately it seems to be getting more complicated.

According to the New York Times, a chief executive at UBS wealth management informs us that “art is becoming more and more of an asset class.”

Money has always been a component of art, but now it seems to have become art’s defining characteristic. Bill Powhida, in your own work, you ridicule the business side of art, calling the dominance of money “asset classicism”--a term that may speak to our age better than any other.

Up to this point, one thing that has struck me about Bushwick is that the neighborhood seems to exist outside of the arts industrial complex you lampoon. Bushwick has developed something of a micro-economy of its own, with artists bartering with each other and tiny galleries selling work in the hundreds, rather than the tens of thousands, of dollars.

As Bushwick begins to attract a wider pool of collectors, is it a good thing, or is “asset classicism” not far behind?

Following up from "Capital," Kianga Ellis and Trent Morse are hosting "War Room" at the Bogart Salon through Sunday, April 15. Keep up with the discussion here. 

Real-time Twitter feed from Bogart

"Capital and its Discontents" on Artinfo.com

 

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Peter Hopkins of Bogart Salon introduces the panel. Showing: Francis Greenburger, James Panero, Ann Fensterstock, and Loren Munk. Off camera: William Powhida and Natalia Sacasa 

 

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Your host!

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Here is some press from the first Bogart Salon panel where Hrag Vartanian headed up a great discussion with Deborah Brown, Thomas Burr Dodd, Carolina A. Miranda, and Marco Antonini:

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William Powhida, "What Do Prices Reflect?" Graphite, watercolor, and colored pencil on paper, 2011. Courtesy of Postmasters Gallery.

American Scenes

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Thomas Hart Benton, Cut The Line (1944)

UPDATE: Welcome Painters' Table readers! Be sure to check out all of our art-related features.

THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE
April 2012

American Scenes
by James Panero

A review of Thomas Hart Benton: A Life, by Justin Wolff; Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 432 Pages, $40.

Thomas Hart Benton was a painter who could appear on the cover of Time magazine one year only to be drummed out of the New York art world the next. He was a child of privilege--the son of a U.S. Congressman and the great nephew of a famous senator--who developed his own progressive artistic style to elevate provincial Americans over East Coast elites. A mentor and friend to Jackson Pollock, he nevertheless railed against the rise of Abstract Expressionism and served as a whipping boy for the avant garde.

He was a “man who could be so charming and so crude, who was an anti-intellectual intellectual, and who scorned a career in politics but was profoundly political,” writes Justin Wolff in his new biography These contradictions make “Benton such a magnetic subject for the writer. We want to pin him down precisely because we cannot.”

For over half a century, art history has tried to wrestle Benton to the ground. He was “the favorite target of leftist critics and proponents of abstract art.” A goading antagonist, he often asked to be taken down. He went after the “coteries of high-brows, of critics, college art professors and museum boys.” After fleeing New York for Kansas City in 1935, he ranted that mid-Western artists

lisp the same tiresome, meaningless aesthetic jargon. In their society are to be found the same fairies, the same Marxist fellow travelers, the same ‘educated’ ladies purring linguistic affectations. The same damned bores that you find in the penthouses and studios of Greenwich Village hang onto the skirts of art in the Middle West.

“His poor judgment, profanity, and belligerent baiting of any artist walking a different stylistic or ideological path scandalized New Yorkers, New Englanders, and Missourians equally,” writes Wolff. “Over the years he opposed abstract art, curators, homosexuals, intellectuals, Harvard, New York City, Kansas City, women, and old friends like [Alfred] Stieglitz and [Lewis] Mumford, to name a few.” For a biographer who himself once dismissed Benton as a “conservative crank,” Wolff has now written a keen critical recuperation, if not a defibrillation, of this unique American artist.

“We were all in revolt against the unhappy effects which the Armory show of 1913 has had on American painting,” Benton once said of the seminal exhibition that first brought European modernism to New York. Benton represented the American reaction to this influence, an anti-avant-garde, but he came of age at the center of the vanguard of new art. He studied at the Art Institute of Chicago and the Academie Julien in Paris before settling into the progressive art circles of New York in the 1920s. Stanton MacDonald-Wright, the abstract painter, became a close friend. For fifteen years he experimented with cubism, pointillism, and synchromism--or rather “wallowed in every cockeyed ism that came along,” as he later admitted.

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Thomas Hart Benton, Rhythmic Construction (1919)

Benton (the artist) once said that Senator Benton--his famous namesake, known as “Old Bullion,” who championed Western expansion--gave him “a kind of compulsion for greatness.” In 1924, he visited his home state of Missouri to attend to his ailing father, Maecenas, who had tried to persuade him to pursue law. Following the trip he determined to seek out his own American path in art. Benton soon got over his “French hangover,” according to the writer Tom Craven, and shed the “worn-out rags and fripperies of French culture” to “find himself as an American.”

A professor in art history at the University of Maine, Wolff is at his best exploring the philosophy behind the rise of Benton’s new signature style, which he locates in the pragmatism of John Dewey. Benton did more than merely react to the avant-garde. He developed a compelling counterpoint to modernism that he believed was far more populist and progressive than the art theories coming out of Europe. He came to see, writes Wolff, that art “should be instrumental (a favorite term of Dewey’s) and work to clarify ordinary experiences rather than interrogate the mysteries of the world. Based on such philosophies, Benton concluded that art should be realistic, not abstract, and that it should serve practical rather than intellectual ends.”

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Thomas Hart Benton, People of Chilmark (1920)

The “distinctly American philosophy” of pragmatism, an anti-theory theory that related knowledge to “practical purposes,” meant that Benton was “more interested in common American experiences than in what many deemed the elitist aesthetic theories of avant-garde artists, who sought to justify experimentation and abstraction with a specialized, professional language. For many, then, Benton was one of them: he spoke their language, painted their lives, and believed wholeheartedly in the significance of their experiences.”

The critic Lewis Mumford gave Benton his regional focus, where “regional customs and spontaneous rituals, not our theories, account for the nation’s dynamism,” and “local customs and common experiences trump political or ideological categories,” writes Wolff. Mumford emphasized definitive, verifiable, and local knowledge. “The region provides a common background,” Mumford maintained, “the air we breathe, the water we drink, the food we eat, the landscape we see, the accumulation of experience and custom peculiar to the setting, tend to unify the inhabitants.”

By the late 1920s, writes Wolff, Benton came to believe in “a devotion to experience, an anti-elitist concept of art.” He also saw that “centralized intellectual and political power was contrary to democracy.” The new art that he developed therefore sought to elevate people’s “regional” characteristics. He pursued a “Regional Survey” to reveal a population “with respect to soil, climate, vegetation, animal life, industry and historic tradition” (Mumford’s words). The format that Benton found most suited to this form of expression was the mural--large, populist, and capable of telling a multi-part story. He populated these expanses with colorfully molded characters drawn from studies made in small towns and urban ghettos across the country. He packed these fluid figures in energized, dense, and often cacophonous compositions in a style that became known as the “American Scene.”

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Thomas Hart Benton, A Social History of the State of Missouri (1936) in the House Lounge in Missouri State Capitol. Jefferson City, Missouri

In his compositions, Benton was in part inspired by the realism of the nineteenth century French writer Hippolyte Taine. Folk songs also “appealed to Benton’s sense of narrative structure,” writes Wolff. “As in his murals, these songs present history anecdotally: in folk tunes, colorful characters and scenarios serve more general stories about injustice, labor, or outsider status.” He sought to restore republican virtues “through the rejuvenation of American folk traditions and values.”

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Thomas Hart Benton painting Persephone (1938)

Benton shot to fame with his new style, appearing on the cover of Time magazine in December 1934, an unprecedented recognition for a living artist. In an article that profiled Benton and his fellow regional painters Grant Wood and John Steuart Curry, Time declared that Benton was “the most virile of U.S. painters of the U.S. Scene.”

By the early 1930s, Benton had successfully championed an art form that was equal parts populist and conservative. He received large mural commissions from the New School for Social Research (for a cycle called “America Today,” 1930-31) and the Whitney Museum of American Art (“The Arts of Life in America,” 1932). He also worked as a celebrated instructor at the Art Students League starting in 1926.

Yet a year after the Time article came out, Benton became embroiled in a controversy surrounding another famous muralist. It was an episode that would define his political trajectory as a “communist turned patriot,” writes Wolff, and also blacklist him in progressive art circles. Benton first met the Mexican muralist Diego Rivera while studying in Paris. Both artists used the same style to advance their own political positions. For Rivera, that meant Stalinism. In 1932, the Rockefeller family commissioned Rivera to paint a mural for the lobby of 30 Rockefeller Center, which the artist called “Man at the Crossroads.” For one figure in the finished cycle, Rivera swapped in the face of Vladimir Lenin. This forced Rockefeller to pull the commission and cover over the work.

The New York art world was in an uproar, but Benton remained ambivalent. A group of Left-leaning modernists seized on the opportunity to take him down. The artist Stuart Davis rallied the Arts Students League against him. In one altercation at the school, someone threw a chair at him. Benton “should have no trouble in selling his wares to any Fascist or semi-fascist type of government,” declared Davis. “[His] qualification would be, in general, his social cynicism, which always allows him to depict social events without regard to their meaning.”

Writing in Partisan Review a short time later, the historian Meyer Schapiro “excoriated Benton’s apparent nationalism and ‘strong masculine’ figures, which he felt were dangerously similar to the xenophobia and idealizing style of fascist art,” writes Wolff. In his populist murals, wrote Schapiro, Benton did not display the necessary Leftist political commitment, instead depicting “an escape from the demands of the crisis” that was “pitiful and inept.”

After the Rivera episode, Benton “never again pretended to stand on common ground with the radical Left,” writes Wolff. “Having a chair thrown at him by an angry communist, or being called a fascist, had as much to do with Benton’s reaction to radical leftism as did his pragmatism.” He left New York for the Midwest. The episode also demonstrated a flaw in realistic art that proved to be as equally fatal to Benton as Rivera: Politics of both the left and right could easily sully and co-opt realism. It was no coincide that didactic realism became the style of choice in both Fascist Europe and Communist Russia. Abstraction had no such political vulnerability. After backroom discussions between the Museum of Modern Art director Alfred Barr and Time’s Henry Luce, the same magazine empire that had crowned Benton king of the realists in 1934 championed the Abstract Expressionist Jackson Pollock in 1949 with a profile in Life magazine that asked, “Is he the greatest living painter in the United States?”

The irony is that Pollock’s greatest influence was none other than Benton, his former teacher at the League. Benton started out an abstractionist only to become an infamous realist; Pollock went the other way, working through a regionalist style to arrive at his famous dripped abstractions. Much has been made with Pollock’s break with Benton. In 1944, Pollock declared Benton to be “something against which to react very strongly.” He once cursed Benton, exclaiming “God-damn you, I’m going to become more famous than you.” In the years following his drunken, fatal car crash in 1956, Pollock’s prophecy came true.

The critic Carter Ratcliff has argued that Benton’s influence on Pollock was a negative one. Benton was a surrogate for a “weak and absent father” says Ratcliff, and “didn’t want a son so much as a sidekick, a young and manipulable version of himself.” Pollock also “shamed himself” in aping after Benton’s style. But Wolff documents how Benton stayed close to Pollock until the end. “He answered Pollocks’ desperate late-night phone calls, refused to discourage his awkward infatuation with [Benton’s wife] Rita, and supported his career.” While dismissing his style, Benton also called Pollock “one of the few original painters to come up in the last ten years.”

Posterity has been far less charitable to Benton. As his style fell out of favor, several of his commissions from the 1930s were let go. The New School’s panels are now owned by AXA Equitable, which restored and now displays them in the lobby of its headquarters on Sixth Avenue in New York. The Whitney Museum sold of its panels in the 1950s to the New Britain Museum of American Art in Connecticut.

While I would have preferred a more chronological narrative and a more typical biographical structure, Wolff’s book makes a compelling case for making the pilgrimage to see them and giving Benton another look. “The panels of the America Today mural... floored me,” says Wolff. “the mural surpassed merely entertaining narrative. It possesses a palpable urgency.”

With our generation’s renewed interest in local culture and a skepticism of international progress, Benton’s philosophy seems ripe for reevaluation. “I believe I have wanted, more than anything else, to make pictures,” said Benton, “the imagery of which would carry unmistakably American meanings for Americans and for as many of them as possible.” While it may be arguable whether Benton achieved these ends, their pursuit now seems singularly compelling.

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Thomas Hart Benton, The Arts of the South, from the mural The Arts of Life in America (1932) now in the New Britain Museum of American Art