The Power of Punk on Reason TV

James writes:

My interview with Kennedy about Ai Weiwei, Pussy Riot, and the power of punk art is now live at Reason TV!

For more: 

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Kennedy and James Panero talking punk in Madison Square Park

Why I’m becoming a Democrat

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NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
October 8, 2012

Why I’m becoming a Democrat
by James Panero

I am an upper West Sider, born and raised. In the most liberal district in the country, I was brought up by the most liberal parents in the entire district. Or so it seemed — I may not have been a red diaper baby, but my diaper was unmistakably pink.

Yet my own politics, early on, took a very different turn, and so I have never voted like an upper West Sider. Call it the consequences of red diaper rash. Or waking up to the bad effects of so much do-goodery. I’ve long believed that radical politics have destroyed the neighborhood I love most.

So why, for the first time, am I registering as a Democrat? Because I want to have a say in the future of my city in the sweeping 2013 elections, where we will vote on a new City Council, a new mayor and a slew of other local offices.

Everyone who wants his or her voice heard should do the same. Just log onto the New York State Board of Elections homepage and fill out a form. Trust me, I’m far from thrilled about it. My politics certainly haven’t changed; I just want my politics to change the city for the better.

Fact is, most of the city’s next round of elected officials will be determined in the 2013 Democratic primaries — in which only registered Democrats can have a say. And only Democrats (and those Republicans and independents in the city who re-register as Democrats before the deadline of Oct. 12) can influence these elections.

In heavily Democratic districts such as the upper West Side, Democrats for local offices are sure to win the general election. The only real voter choice will therefore occur at the primary level. Right now, things don’t look all that different for the mayor’s race, either.

The Democratic machine has long benefited from this narrowing of the voting base. Local candidates emerge from the backrooms of a handful of entrenched Democratic clubs. By mobilizing the party fringe, these clubs then get their candidates on the general ballot.

That’s why New York’s primary laws are some of the most restrictive in the country. The party bosses don’t want to hear from us. Where other states allow voters to declare party affiliation on the day of a primary, New Yorkers must do it a year ahead, when few are focused on the upcoming election.

This time around, let’s prove them wrong. We live in a city where 68% of voters are registered Democrats, outnumbering Republicans 6 to 1. That ratio is even higher in districts like mine. That means that once on the ballot, the Democratic candidate could be the embalmed remains of Boss Tweed and still win. At the same time, the non-Dem voice, with its moderate and conservative points of view, is always silenced in the general election.

Yet in primary races, where only a small number of votes are split among several candidates, that non-Dem voice could be significant — if only we had a vote to cast.

In my district, there are currently 80,000 registered Democrats, 13,000 Republicans and 20,000 nonregistered independents. Considering that fewer than 20,000 voters usually turn out for the Democratic primaries for local office, a push of newly minted Democratic voters from the Republican and independent rolls could make a huge difference.

For decades, the radical fringe has held a lock on my City Council seat. Back in 2009, City Council members struck a bargain with Mayor Bloomberg to give themselves third terms, but after 12 years, the term limits on these seats are finally coming due.

In 2013, we will have an open Democratic primary race for the first time since 2001. Already in my district, it looks like several candidates plan to run, offering a range of positions and opinions. Some are moderates. Others are old-line liberals.

For once, the choice doesn’t have to be made by a few geriatric radicals holed up in the neighborhood’s last rent-controlled classic six apartments. If the Republicans and independents in my district added their votes to the existing Democratic moderates, the results could turn the corner on the neighborhood’s legacy of bad politics.

Registration doesn’t mean losing principles. It means making principles count in the voting booth.

We can still donate to the candidate of our choice, volunteer for our favorite political parties and cast our lot for anybody who makes it into the general election.

Call it strategic affiliation. It’s something our current mayor certainly understands, having gone from a Democrat to a Republican to an independent.

We don’t necessarily have to believe in the Democratic Party to vote in the Democratic primary. We just have to register as Democrats and believe in democracy.

UPDATE: NY1 interviews me about the switch: "Some NYC Voters Want to Switch Parties to Vote in Democratic Primaries," by Grace Rauh (October 9, 2012)

A Monumental Problem

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"Discovering Columbus," an installation by Tatzu Nishi featuring the 1892 Columbus Circle statue by Gaetano Russo. (All photographs by James Panero)


THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
September 25, 2012

A Monumental Problem
by James Panero

Through late November, visitors to the southwest corner of Central Park will have to say "Goodbye, Columbus." That's because Gaetano Russo's 1892 statue of the explorer, usually visible for miles around, will be covered in scaffolding that all but removes the monument from public view.

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The Columbus Circle monument covered by "Discovering Columbus"

What looks like restoration work is really much more: A Japanese artist, Tatzu Nishi, has been commissioned to decorate an elevated shed enclosing the statue so that, instead of looking out over Columbus Circle atop a 60-foot column, Columbus now appears to be standing on a coffee table, surrounded by couches, lamps, a television set, red window curtains and pink-and-gold wallpaper printed with pictures of Marilyn Monroe, Mickey Mouse and Michael Jackson. Admission to this spectacle is by a free timed ticket, with at most 25 people at once allowed inside the 800-square-foot space.'Discovering Columbus' encloses the explorer's statue at Columbus Circle in an 800-square-foot living room.

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Marilyn Monroe, Mickey Mouse and Michael Jackson: custom wallpaper covers the "living room" of "Discovering Columbus"

The installation, "Discovering Columbus," has been produced by the Public Art Fund, a nonprofit championed by Mayor Michael Bloomberg. Dedicated to offering the public "powerful experiences with art and the urban environment," the fund's other projects have included bringing Jeff Koons's topiary-puppy sculpture to Rockefeller Center and Rob Pruitt's statue of Andy Warhol to Union Square.

Like much of what the Public Art Fund promotes, "Discovering Columbus" can seem like campy fun—a million-dollar confection brought to you by the city's billionaire mayor. Yet the hijinks of "Discovering Columbus" come at the expense of the Columbus Circle monument itself, which must be kidnapped to take part in the party. The offer of the organizers to restore the monument at the end of the show—with Parks Department funds—implicitly acknowledges the disservice done during the run.

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A television inside "Discovering Columbus" is tuned to CNN

The temporary hijacking of Columbus Circle is but the latest chapter of a monumental problem. Part of this story is the unease, bordering on contempt, with which cultural progressives regard traditional monuments. Outmoded in both form and content, Columbus Circle was ripe for ridicule. Even if most New Yorkers find little fault with it, this classical monument to a questionable figure in our history has become embarrassing to the city's cultural establishment. "Discovering Columbus" therefore appropriates and recasts it at the exact time of year when it is valued most. This Columbus Day, the Italian-American groups that traditionally lay a wreath at the base of the monument can lean it against a purple sofa in Mr. Nishi's ersatz living room.

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Columbus Circle, ca. 1907

As power changes and the memorialized fall out of favor, the forces of history have destroyed monuments almost as fast as they go up. The cultural war on monuments, however, only officially began in 1871. That was the year Gustave Courbet, the celebrated Realist painter then in his early 50s, found himself at the center of a 72-day utopian experiment known as the Paris Commune. This failed attempt at autonomous rule became the model for many later idealist uprisings, from Soviet Communism to the student riots of 1968 to Occupy Wall Street. "For Courbet, the Commune was, all too briefly, the fulfillment of his dreams of a government without oppressive, domineering institutions, the Proudhonian Utopia of social justice come true," explains the art historian Linda Nochlin in her book "Courbet."

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Paris Communards pull down the Vendome Column, 1871

As head of the Commune's Federation of Artists, Courbet quickly suppressed the city's traditional art schools: the Academy, the École des Beaux-Arts, and the Schools of Rome and of Athens. He then turned his attention to the Vendôme Column, a monument modeled after Trajan's Column in Rome that Napoleon had erected at the center of Paris to memorialize the French victory at Austerlitz. Courbet derided it as a "mass of melted cannon that perpetuates the tradition of conquest, of looting, and of murder." The Commune agreed and set about undermining its foundation and pulling it down with cables. As a band performed for an assembled crowd, the column came crashing to the street, breaking into several pieces. Three years later, after the collapse of the progressive Commune and the restoration of a traditionalist government, the French courts fined Courbet in exile to pay for the column's restoration. As his assets were seized and sold at auction, Courbet drank himself to death.

Following Courbet, the monumental fight between progressives and traditionalists hasn't gone much better. In the case of the Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial, now planned for Washington, a progressive design has faced a traditionalist backlash. In what critics have called a closed selection process, the Department of the Interior, working through the General Services Administration, chose the architect Frank Gehry to undertake the design for a 4-acre site on Independence Avenue. Rather than a classical design in line with the Jefferson and Lincoln memorials, Gehry proposed a progressive design that he said would seize on Eisenhower's modesty. It would feature a small statue of the president as a young boy sitting under 8-story-tall wire screens painted to resemble pictures of his childhood home in Abilene, Kan.

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Frank Gehry's initial design for the Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial

A traditionalist group called the National Civic Art Society has led a campaign to scrap the plan. Its Chairman, Justin Shubow, has testified before Congress against it. Léon Krier, a traditionalist architect and leading critic, has called Mr. Gehry's plan "An anti-monument if there can be such a thing." The antimonumentality of the design is no accident. Writing in the Washington Post, the architecture critic Philip Kennicott defended Mr. Gehry's design for inverting "several of the sacred hierarchies of the classical memorial, emphasizing ideas of domesticity and interiority rather than masculine power and external display." But he goes further, praising Mr. Gehry for having "'re-gendered' the vocabulary of memorialization, giving it new life and vitality just at the moment when the old, exhausted 'masculine' memorial threatened to make the entire project of remembering great people in the public square seem obsolete." Ridiculous as this may sound, Mr. Kennicott's essay nonetheless serves a useful purpose in laying out the postmodern perspective on memorials. In his view, the purpose of the contemporary monument is antiheroic: to debunk, diminish and ensure that equal time is given to the subjects' more mundane qualities.

Progressives want monuments to be radical. Traditionalists want monuments to be classical, arguing that anything newer becomes a monument to radicalism and its designer rather than the people who are memorialized. Unfortunately, most of us get caught in the middle. We don't care about "regendering" our supreme allied commander in Europe and 34th president. At the same time, we may find the neoclassical design of the National World War II Memorial by the Austrian-born Friedrich St. Florian, or the new memorial to Martin Luther King Jr by the Chinese artist Lei Yixin, uninspiring.

Monuments give form to memory. They allow us to reflect upon our history, values and experience. Unfortunately, we no longer share a consensus on what that history, those values and that experience should be. We barely agree on what we should remember rather than forget, and we share no common understanding of what form our memories should take. That all helps explain why neither the progressives nor the traditionalists excel at monument design on their own—and why the bad designs and the ridicule of monuments seem bound to continue.

A version of this article appeared September 25, 2012, on page D5 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: A Monumental Problem.